September 11th was an encounter with something that
makes no sense, an event in that fits nowhere.It was an experience
of collective massive psychic trauma. Nearly six months after the
event that shook our world and our assumptions about our lives,
there is no coherent narrative about September 11th.
This, too, is in the nature of massive collective trauma.We are
still involved with the ongoing struggle between an imperative
need to know what it is that has happened to us all, not only to
those who were in the buildings the planes crashed into, and to
their families and friends, but to all of us in America, no matter
how distant from the scene of the attacks—and an equally powerful
urge to not-know, a defensive wish to deny the nature of the tear
in the fabric of our shared lives.
The events of September 11th left world leaders and
scholars seeking a context for such extreme, catastrophic
violence. In an address to a Joint Session of Congress on
September 20, 2001, President George Bush said of the terrorists,
»They are the heirs of all the murderous ideologies of the
20th century. They fall in the path of Fascism, Nazism
and totalitarianism.« This was much more highlighted in the
Israeli and European Press than it was here. It was an obvious
connection for those who experienced the Nazi terror first hand.
The drawing of parallels between September 11th and the
terrorism of Nazism and Fascism recalls the comments of Michael
Nauman, the German Minister of Culture, in his address at the
Stockholm International Forum on the Holocaust on January 20,
2000, when he described the Holocaust as a form of terrorism whose
target was life itself. »Hitler’s Germany deliberately set out to
abolish the sanctity of life. The extermination of the Jewish
belief that the protection of life is the highest human principle
was the ideological terrorist epicenter of the Holocaust.« I
believe Nauman offers us an insight into what we in America
experienced on the beautifully clear autumn day of Tuesday,
September 11. It was a blow against our commonly held beliefs
about the value of life. Later in his speech, Michel Nauman, said
that since the final defeat of Hitler’s Germany in May 1945, 100
acts of genocide have been documented in the world, every one of
them an attack on the sanctity of life itself.
Following the events of September 11th, we witnessed an instantaneous sense
of paralysis, a helpless confusion experienced mostly in the U.S.,
but also in many parts of the western world. Normality abruptly
ceased. Life as we have known it stopped. It seems gone, perhaps
for good. Having seen the United States experience a massive
deadly terrorist attack against which it had proven unable to
protect itself, western society nearly lost its
balance.
On being a psychoanalyst
I want to
switch now to the mode of an analyst, or therapist, because that’s
what I know best. I am a Holocaust survivor. My life’s work
is listening to those who are seeking psychic
healing. Many, if not most of my patients have endured massive trauma.
Our work together involves a kind of witnessing that I have
written about extensively elsewhere. On September 11, we were all, doctor
and patient alike, witness to, and victims of, a
kind of terror that was, until that morning, unknown to
us as Americans.
That Tuesday, I was in my office seeing patients. My day began
early. My second patient was late because she had been listening
to the radio when she heard about the first plane crashing into
the World Trade Center and the only thing she could talk about was
what was happening in New York City. Patient after patient kept
talking about it all day long, and so it continued for the whole
week. Those patients who did not mention it were the ones that
were the most fragile, totally detached from life. Even psychotic
patients who were not as damaged came back, joining the community
of anguish and fear; they became part of the event. Yet, somehow,
as the days passed, I felt the September 11th
experience lacked form. It was amorphous.Yes, there was a culprit
found by the name of Bin Laden. But there seemed to be no clear
direction emerging. Even the President was nowhere to be found on
the first day, except for a five-minute address on the radio.
As someone who experienced the chaos of World War II in Europe
directly, I found myself wanting a Winston Churchill to come and
address the nation, but there wasn’t one. It was very unclear what
happened during the first day. Yet the foreign press gave a clear
account of the events of the day. That week, the Israeli Press
published precise profiles of all 19 hijackers; it took much
longer for the American Press to do so. There was no dearth of
media coverage here, but it either had a pervasive emotional
flavor of flooding, or it took the direction of a defensive battle
cry, a patriotic rally, or that of an obsessional, endless but
superficial repetition of the scanty news that was known. European
nations, indeed, came out very early with political statements of
support. Arab leaders, on the other hand, were silent, except for
one man who took a stand from the very beginning: King Abdullah of
Jordan unequivocally condemned the attacks. Everybody else in the
Arab world was silent. I want to mention that this is the grandson
of the first King Abdullah who was murdered in Jerusalem in 1950
when he secretly entered into negotiations for a peace treaty with
Israel. The present terrorists are but a continuation of the
Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt who were involved in the murder of
President Anwar Sadat, a murder carried out by a group of
extremists, a member of whom was the second in command to Osama
Bin Laden. History is continuous. Trauma survivors’ responses to
September 11th bear witness to
this.
Trauma survivors’ responses to September
11 th
A woman, the daughter of a bipolar father who grew up in a very
chaotic family, stopped sleeping after September 11th,
because her sense of not being safe had been further confirmed.
Holocaust survivors living in New York City began to re-experience
their terrors and their nightmares, some even needed to be
hospitalized. It all goes on, they felt; it never stopped, and no
place is safe. Four months after the attack, The Harvard Mental
Health Letter (January 2002) reported that »The number of new
prescriptions for sleeping pills rose by a reported 28% and the
number of new prescriptions for antidepressants by 17% in the New
York area.« On March 5, 2002, CBS News reported that »The greatest
danger from a traumatic incident is now, the period from six
months to a year, and psychologists say the second wave of trauma
may be even tougher to treat than the first.« Therapists in New
York reported a new wave of symptoms among New Yorkers - anxiety,
depression, and other PTSD related symptoms. The effects of a
trauma experienced some five or six months ago were being felt
again. This phase of symptomatology seems to be more pronounced
than that immediately following the attack. Recently, a New Haven,
CT hospital reported its first case of a September 11-related
psychosis - a woman who is experiencing a bottomless terror and
suspects that terrorists are everywhere around her. Homeless
people in the streets of New Haven were both more scared about
what might happen, but also experienced a sense of familiarity
with the lack of safety they had known all their lives. I had
worked with them as their psychiatrist for six years. September
11th was a communal experience that not only confirmed
their worst fears but also ironically, brought them relief. Now,
perhaps, the society that shuns them has caught up with them, and
has begun to know what they have intimately known all along. There
is no such thing as the safety of a home - it can vanish in a
moment. Now, perhaps, they might feel a bit less isolated from the
rest.
A child survivor of the Holocaust remembers her sense of
despair when her father, who was always so in charge of life,
couldn’t find an answer to her questions when the Jews were being
executed in occupied Poland, and when the mass slaughter began.
Once more, now, there is no authority who knows, protects, and can
give direction. Statements of compassion, participation in the
mourning and the loss, and in the new uncertainty of life, are
simply not enough. They do not lessen the pain and the
overwhelming terror. There is an overpowering need for a promise
of safety, for reassurance and clarity of purpose. To say that the
Al Qaeda has a new Chief of Operations, a Palestinian whose
whereabouts is not known, but who is said to know all the sleeper
cells in the United States and other countries, is at best
disquieting.To speak of a dark lurking danger that can come from
anywhere only intensifies the dread. Perhaps, though, all of this
brings us closer to the truth of what has actually come to pass -
that something unimaginable and incomprehensible has happened.
Civilian airplanes carrying innocent civilian passengers to their
destination were turned into a deadly missiles that brought the
Towers down, caused everything to crumble and to implode, leaving
only rubble - a huge pile of ruins and debris. Thousands of people
simply vanished. Are they really dead? I found myself thinking of
Paul Celan’s poem, »Death Fugue,« about the rising smoke over the
crematoria, the graves in the sky. »We shovel a grave in the air
there you won’t lie too cramped.«
Perhaps, after all, there is a resemblance between the attacks
of September 11 and something equally unimaginable that happened
in the Holocaust. I want to emphatically stress that there can be
no equating them. The scale is too disproportionate. The landscape
around the Twin Towers destruction continued to be humane, filled
with people attempting to comfort and to restore. This is
completely different from the landscape of the Holocaust, in which
the surrounding world was dumbfounded by the extraordinary impact
of death, or stood back and let it happen.While it was happening,
and for many years after it was over, nobody was willing to hear
and to know what truly happened, in spite of overwhelming
evidence. It took decades for a dialogue of testimony to
emerge.Yet there is this similarity: the absence of narrative. No
one can really tell the story of the Twin Tower disaster, and no
one is really ready to hear it.
Trauma and
speechlessness - a hallmark of collective massive traumaThis
generalized amorphousness, bewilderment, and most of all, the
numbness, seems to me a hallmark of collective massive trauma, a
sense of shock so profound that it leads to both cognitive and
emotional paralysis. It leads, too, to the loss of voice, and in
this it feels akin to the »speechlessness« that Walter Benjamin
wrote about in his essay, »The Storyteller,« as he witnessed the
state of soldiers returning from the First World War.He describes
the incommunicability of trauma, the demise of both storytelling
and listening.
With the [First] World War, a process became apparent which has
not halted since then. Was it not noticeable at the end of the war
that men returned from the battlefield grown silent - not richer,
but poorer in communicable experience: What ten years later was
poured out in the flood of war books was anything but experience
that goes from mouth to mouth. And there was nothing remarkable
about that. For never has experience been contradicted more
thoroughly than strategic experience by tactical warfare, economic
experience by inflation, bodily experience by mechanical warfare,
moral experience by those in power. A generation that had gone to
school on a horse-drawn streetcar now under the open sky in a
countryside in which nothing remained unchanged but the clouds,
and beneath these clouds, in a field of force of destructive
torrents and explosions, was the tiny, fragile human body.
During the week after the attacks of September 11th
in New York and at the Pentagon, although I listened for hours to
patients talking of their inner horror, their unsettledness, a
sense of things having changed perhaps forever, of innocence and
safety irretrievably lost, I found that I myself couldn’t focus. I
could not formulate a clear account of what was happening either,
much less write about it. Whenever I turned to my Dictaphone and
tried to do it, I had to put it away. It was a struggle. Then I
spoke with a colleague in New Jersey, a daughter of two Holocaust
survivors, who was treating casualties from the Trade Towers, and
she helped me understand what we were both experiencing. »Yes, I
know,« she began, when I said I could not yet say anything
coherent about what had happened. »I work with people and I help
them, but I don’t know what I’m doing and I cannot write about it,
I cannot speak about it. When I speak to you now I begin to
understand not knowing what I’m doing, but other than that, I
cannot put it into thought.« Coming back again to clarity from the
cognitive paralysis in response to trauma is a long and cumbersome
journey. Even for those of us who have made such a journey once
already.
As I have written elsewhere, what occurs in massive trauma is
the loss of the internal »other.« People are so affected by the
violence that has broken into their lives that they can no longer
maintain the dialogue with themselves that is ongoing in normal
life. What they felt, what they saw, what they experienced, what
they remembered - it suddenly becomes unavailable to them. It’s
all a haze, like walking in a dream. There’s both an inability and
a total refusal to keep one’s gaze centered on the eye of the
trauma. Strategies are employed to avoid it, individual and
collective - patriotic gestures, sentimentality, pseudo-unity,
fantasies of revenge, concepts of justice or bringing those
responsible to justice. All these in their own right can be very
valid, but at this particular juncture, they are definitely being
used to avoid the full absorption and recognition of the traumatic
event, the primary step that would allow the resumption of that
internal dialogue of knowing. With this internal dialogue comes
the possibility of agency and of action - informed and effective
response.
Let me speak for a moment about a patient I see who was shaped
by another culture, a young Japanese journalist in her 30’s who
works in New York. Her office is in mid-town, and through her
windows, she could see the World Trade Center and she described
the scene for me. »I could see the fire, smoke, it was so thick,
but I was so busy. I had to prepare for the meeting taking place
that day. People were coming in, flying in. I had no time to look.
Only now it dawns on me what was really happening; the towers
collapsed. Ben, that’s my husband, could have been killed. I
walked out to the street. When I looked up the street in
Manhattan, I saw that brilliant sky, the sun shining; looking down
I saw billowing clouds of smoke. People covered with ashes.«
Remember, she is Japanese, remembering stories of other ashes.
»People were running. A few hours later, nobody was there. New
York was a ghost town.« Weeks later, she was very angry with me.
For a moment her defensive armor of being matter-of-fact, task
oriented and tough had cracked. She experienced »the abyss« -
intense terror, helplessness, and loss. I had witnessed and
acknowledged her softness, attachment, and longings, the
»weaknesses« she had worked all her life to overcome. Now she
could no longer return to her former self. She re-visited New York
and the smell was still there and she didn’t want to go to Ground
Zero. She refused to look at it, refused even to smell the
trauma.
Breaking through »screen
memories«
Instead of looking directly into trauma, one
encounters screen perceptions and screen memories. Perhaps
describing a memory of my own will help here. As a child, I was
deported to Transnistria, the part of Ukraine occupied by the
Romanian Army who were allies of the Germans. What I remembered
for years was sitting with a little girl on the bank of the River
Bug, the demarcation line between German and the Romanian
occupation areas. It was a beautiful summer day, there were green
meadows and green hills and a blue river. It was like a summer
camp. We were having a debate at age five, arguing whether you
could or could not eat grass. I recounted this memory in my second
week of analysis in 1969 and luckily enough, my analyst was
Swedish. He said, »I have to tell you something. I was a member of
the Swedish Red Cross that liberated Theresienstadt and we took
depositions from women inmates in the camp. Under oath, they
declared that conditions in the camp were so good that they
received each morning breakfast in bed brought by SS officers.«
There could not have been a more powerful interpretation of my
denial. I stopped talking about young girls, green meadows, and
blue rivers and started remembering other things, my own
experience of trauma.
In the days following September 11th, I myself felt
impelled to break the grip of silence, to be released from the
hypnotic fascination of the endlessly repeated television images,
the continual repetition of already well-known bits of
information, fragments that did not cohere. I did so by going
ahead with a planned trip to Israel on September 16th.
Specifically, I went to help plan a video testimony project about
Holocaust survivors who themselves had never broken the seal of
their silence. All have been living in psychiatric hospitals for
decades since the end of the war.
I had a meeting set up for September 16th. On
September 11th I received an email asking me if I was
going to be at the meeting and I decided that yes, no matter what,
I was going to make it to Israel for this meeting. The skies were
closed - there was no flying. I couldn’t get through to El Al in
New York by phone. I could get El Al in Israel, but they would put
me on hold, and after half an hour or so of listening to music,
someone would pick up the phone and give me the flight information
that was not available in New York. Once I started for the airport
in New York, but turned back, having heard that no planes were
taking off. But then, on September 14th, I decided to
try again in spite of all the statements on TV and radio that the
skies were closed. The trip to New York was eerie. Usually there
is heavy traffic. That day there were no cars. For long stretches,
the highway was completely empty. Then, for no apparent reason,
there would suddenly be a slow down. Soon I realized this was the
result of rubber necking. On the other side of the road, oncoming
traffic was at a halt. Several cars had been involved in
accidents. They were overturned, smashed up, and everywhere there
were ambulances, fire trucks, and wreckers waiting to clear the
road of ruined cars. The drivers, it seemed, had simply lost
control.
When I finally got to JFK, the parking lot was empty. Arriving
at the departure building, I just walked in. Any terrorist could
have gotten in. There were only a few people milling around. When
I asked at the counter about El Al, I was told that yes, there
were two flights leaving that day. When I landed in Israel, it
was, for me, a return to normalcy. That evening there was a party
in my family with 50 people coming from all over the country, a
gathering for a 6-year-old girl’s birthday party. The place was
only about 5 kilometers from Kalkilia in the West Bank. Yet it
felt safer, more normal, despite being so much closer to
danger.
The tower of Babel
The multitude of voices, public and private, that we are
hearing about September 11th testifies to the absence
of a coherent narrative voice for the event itself. Therefore, we
are faced with a multitude of diverse voices, versions of the
event’s meaning that continue and co-exist, some driven by a wish
to know, to bear witness, some driven by an equally powerful need
to not-know, to deny and suppress the truth of witnessing. The
latter meet with too little moral rebuttal. The Egyptian Press, as
well as newspapers in other Arab countries, claimed from the very
beginning that the Israeli Central Intelligence Agency, the
Mossad, was behind the acts of terror against the United States on
September 11th. Proof of that was the claim that more
than 2,000 Israeli workers employed in the Twin Towers didn’t come
to work on that day, having been warned of what was going to
happen. Other newspapers claimed that the number of Jewish workers
who were absent on that very day numbered over 4,000. It is no
secret that the Egyptian government controls the press and could
have prevented such allegations, but obviously it chose not to.
When an Egyptian scholar who attended a rabbinical meeting in
Chicago in the month of October 2001 was asked about these
allegations, he promptly responded that the Public Relations
Services of the United States and of Israel had not been effective
enough in counteracting such rumors. Not for a moment did he
hesitate to wonder why he, himself, or other scholars who did not
believe these allegations remained silent while they were
published and re-published in the Egyptian Press. Some sources
trace these theories to a Muslim college in northern India, part
of the Deobandi movement that has influenced public education in
many Muslim countries - Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and others. This
school is thought to be the origin of this particular theory,
which spread throughout the Muslim world. General Rashid Qureshi,
the public relations chief for Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan,
stated it to Newsweek a few days after the attack (April 1,
2002, p.26), and a poll cited by Andrew Sullivan in the Sunday
Times gave a figure of 48% of Pakistanis believing that Jews
flew the planes into the World Trade Center (The
International Jerusalem Post, March 22,
2002, p.16).
In a somewhat less extreme vain, Arab propaganda still blames
the Palestinian-Israeli conflict for the terrorist attacks against
the U.S. Were it not for the Israeli subjugation and the endless
Palestinian suffering, such terrorism, it is claimed, would not
have happened. Notwithstanding Bin Laden’s declarations of hatred
and threats of destruction towards the West, specifically towards
the United States, which put the Palestinian question lower on his
list of priorities, Arab governments repeated the anti-Jewish
allegations while being rather silent time about condemning the
September 11th terrorist attack. Palestinian crowds
were indeed celebrating the events of September 11th in
the streets until Yassir Arafat forbade such public celebrations
and confiscated the videotapes that documented them.
On our side of the Atlantic, voices have been less vociferous
and extreme. On several campuses, students and faculty
demonstrated a short time after the bombings, some pressing for
peace negotiations with the Taliban and against any kind of
military intervention. An academic who represents herself as an
expert in terrorism went as far as to state that »Terrorism is a
communication of helplessness.« Marches and demonstrations were
held by students in American universities in that particular kind
of tenor, at odds with the majority of the nation. What is
striking is not the opinions that were expressed; after all, this
is a society in which free speech is allowed and even encouraged.
What is striking is that there was no powerful rebuttal of such
opinions. It is as though the voices of those who experienced the
terrorist attack more directly were muted, and those most directly
affected remained speechless in the face of such political
expressions. Even though many opinions were voiced in different
forums, there was little direct response either to the extremist
claims of the Arab Press, or to the political agendas of certain
academics who influenced vast bodies of students across the
country.
What is most striking, in view of the multiplicity of voices
that tell »the story of September 11th« is that no
unified voice has emerged to challenge, dispute and contradict the
radically divergent, often mutually exclusive, versions of reality
that are being spouted from different corners of the earth. It is
as though there is no truth and no sense of conviction, a
collective uncertainty regarding the veracity of the truth and of
one’s own experience. Therefore, no source exists for an indignant
rebuttal of the distortions and lies which are being repeatedly
voiced. Something about our ability to feel and to know what
happened on September 11th has been muted. Propaganda
and distortions go unchallenged, and those affected, including
those who witnessed the disaster and its aftermath, remain silent
and cannot yet create an authoritative narrative that could put
things straight.
This mutedness about the truth is not a new or unfamiliar
phenomenon, particularly when it is related to events of massive
violence and massive destruction. We need only to think about the
genocides of the twentieth century and the silence, even denial
bordering on revisionism that regularly engulfed them. Let me
refer to an article from the New York Times, October 8,
2000, having to do with Rwanda. In 1999 the United Nations
released a report of an inquiry into its failure to prevent or
stop the genocide in Rwanda. He was harshly critical of the
Americans and the French and of most officials of the U.N.,
including Kofi Annan, who was then the head of the
U.N.peacekeeping function.There was one man of whom the report was
not critical. This was the commander of the United Nations forces
in Rwanda, Lieutenant General Romeo Dalaire of Canada. After the
massacre, the officer returned to Canada and continued to serve in
the Canadian Army as a general. Four years later, he decompensated
- he became alcoholic and started suffering from a severe case of
PTSD, with flashbacks, insomnia, hallucinations. In an interview
he described a scene that he kept seeing over and over again: »I’m
in a valley at sunset, waist deep in bodies covered in blood. I’m
holding up my arms trying to get out. Each time it comes back, the
scene gets worse, and I can hear the rustle of bodies and I’m
afraid to move for fear of hurting someone.« In January 1994,
Romeo Dalaire had received information that the Hutu regime was
planning an act of genocide. He learned that they were working out
how to kill 1,000 people in 20 minutes. The general notified the
United Nations. No response. In the beginning of April, he had
2,700 soldiers. Six times he asked the United Nations to increase
the number to 5,000 and to give him a mandate to intervene. Six
times he was refused. Instead of increasing the number of troops,
90% were withdrawn. Fewer than 300 soldiers remained under his
command, and he could not intervene. That was the beginning of
April 1994. In the ensuing two months, 800,000 people died. In
October 2001 the Security Council and Kofi Annan received the
Nobel Prize for Peace. A few years after the slaughter but before
the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize, President Clinton, on a
visit to Rwanda, apologized, saying that what happened had not
been fully »appreciated«.
The mutedness of trauma is perhaps most visible in the public
domain. It took nearly half a century for a meaningful dialogue on
the Holocaust to begin taking place in Germany, and Austria has
not yet reached this phase. The same holds true for the Armenian
Genocide. That this very mutedness is a direct consequence of
massive traumatic experience is again and again observed with
traumatized individuals. It is quite common that victims of
massive trauma do not know, do not remember, and do not believe
what they really experienced and what was done to them. Recall my
screen memories of the lovely days spent on the grassy banks of
the River Bug with a charming girl, while in reality we were both
Jewish children held prisoner by Nazis. Trauma survivors
desperately seek confirmation that the events that shattered their
lives were real, sometimes even through wanting corroboration from
the perpetrator of the violence. It is a common phenomenon for
women who have been victims of rape or incest to remember the
events only decades after they happened. When such memories led to
court action in the 1980s, a whole movement was created, the
False Memory Foundation, supported and
generously endowed by people who identified with the accused
perpetrators and perhaps were concerned about being accused
themselves. Experts were hired, studies were conducted, legal
action was paid for, and publications were sponsored to support
the theories of the false memory movement. What is unfathomable
about this is that no movement originated to protect the truth. No
such foundation was created on behalf of the victims, and their
advocates - including their therapists - were often sued for libel
and convicted in courts, ordered to pay millions of dollars in
damages. To this day, no »true memory foundation« exists, and no
resources comparable to those of the false memory foundations are
available to those who protect the truth and give it expression.
It’s as if truth, when it comes to traumatic experience, has no
voice and no advocate.
A story in a search of a
voice
This holds true for a narrative of the extremely violent events
of September 11th. Its truth is still fragmented,
piecemeal, and disorganized, a story in a search of a voice. I do
not want to foreclose the emergence of that truth by declaring
that September 11th is about evil - because I don’t
know yet. What I do know is that it was about something
unfathomable, at the root of which there may be evil for which no
ways of explaining or understanding yet exist. September
11th stands alone in its starkness, in its
deliberate, whimsical exercise of total power.
We can neither give up on creating a cohesive narrative, nor
can we succumb to our need to create a story that will quell our
fears and give direction to our rage and grief. Both approaches
may bring us temporary relief. On the other hand, we know that it
takes time (sometimes decades), sustained effort, and most of all
the courage to hear and to know, for the truth of witnessing to
come into being. But time alone is not enough."Time has not
apparently healed children’s psychological wounds after the
attack," Marla Diamond of CBS News reported on April 5, 2002. A
six-month follow-up of 421 parents by the Children’s Health
Fund »found the same number of kids, 52%, still worried about
their own safety.« A health care specialist added, »Almost 4 out
of 10 children are having problems like being distracted or
nervous or anxious.« What do the children know that the rest of us
may be too good at hiding?
Now that we have had our own
experience of suicide bombers, it is harder for us to distance
ourselves from the terror Israelis are feeling and from the
international threat that terrorist bombers pose for all of us.
But we have no choice.As journalist Thomas L. Friedman put it in
the New York Times on March 31, 2002, »If America, the only
reality check left, doesn’t use every ounce of energy to halt this
madness and call it by its real name, then it will spread. The
Devil is dancing in the Middle East, and he’s dancing our
way.«
* From TRAUMA AT HOME: AFTER 9/11 edited by Judith Greenberg by permission of the University of Nebraska Press. «
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